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Socialist Party of Ukraine

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Socialist Party of Ukraine
Соціалістична партія України
AbbreviationSPU
LeaderViktor Zaika[1]
FounderOleksandr Moroz
Founded26 October 1991 (1991-10-26)
Banned15 June 2022 (2022-06-15)[2]
Preceded byCommunist Party of Ukraine (Soviet Union)
Ideology
Political positionCentre-left to left-wing
International affiliationSocialist International (2003–2011)
Colours  Dark red
SloganSocialism will be imbued with patriotism[3]
There is no alternative to democratic socialism in Ukraine[4]
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The Socialist Party of Ukraine (Ukrainian: Соціалістична Партія України, romanized: Sotsialistychna Partiya Ukrainy, abbreviated SPU) was a social democratic[5][6] and democratic socialist[5] political party in Ukraine. It was one of the oldest parties in Ukraine and was created by former members of the Soviet-era Communist Party of Ukraine in late 1991, when the Communist Party was banned.[7]

Involved in a number of popular protest movements in the early 2000s, it was third and fourth largest party in parliament during its time in parliament. The party entered government for the first time as part of a coalition with Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc in 2005, but its decision to form a government with the opposing Party of Regions and the re-founded Communist Party of Ukraine in 2006 caused significant damage to the party's credibility. Despite historically strong support in the central regions of Ukraine, it failed pass the 3% threshold to enter parliament in the 2007 parliamentary elections. From then onwards, the party's electoral results became increasingly marginal and it failed to win any seats in subsequent elections.

The party's founder, Oleksandr Moroz, was elected Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine's parliament, in 1994 and played a key role in the adoption of the Constitution of Ukraine. He led the party for more than 20 years until his resignation in 2012, after which the party became embroiled in a long-lasting leadership struggle before it was taken over by Illia Kyva in 2017.

The party was suspended in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and banned by a court decision on 15 June 2022.[2]

History

[edit]

Creation

[edit]
First logo of the SPU

Following Ukraine's independence on 24 August 1991,[8] Leonid Kravchuk as the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's parliament) signed several important documents among which was the disbandment (26 August) and later the prohibition (30 August) of communist parties.[7] This led to the collapse of the communist-majority faction, informally known as the "group of 239", led by Oleksandr Moroz.[7][9] Four days after the prohibition of communist parties, Moroz called on communists to unite in a new left-wing party.[7] The founding congress of the party was held in Kyiv on 26 October 1991 and Moroz was elected leader.[7] The party's program, approved at a second congress held in November 1992, emphasised the party's status as the successor to the Communist Party of Ukraine and proclaimed the party's goal of achieving socialism through "people's democracy".[7]

1990s

[edit]

In 1993, the party experienced a mass exodus of members when the Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU), which claimed to be the direct successor of the Soviet-era Communist Party, was formed in June. The situation was so severe that several of the party's regional organisations had ceased to exist and the continued existence of the party was put into question at an extraordinary congress, but those who supported merging into the Communist Party remained in the minority.[7]

In December 1993, the party declared themselves in the opposition to the government of Prime Minister Leonid Kuchma and President Leonid Kravchuk[10] and their policies, but by this point Kuchma had already resigned from the government.[7]

In March 1994, the party participated in the country's first parliamentary election since independence and won 14 seats, becoming the fourth-largest party in the Verkhovna Rada behind the Communist Party, People's Movement of Ukraine (Rukh), and the Peasant Party of Ukraine (SelPU).[11] By mid-1994, the party controlled a parliamentary faction of 25 deputies,[12] as deputies from other parties, especially those from the Peasant Party of Ukraine (SelPU) opted to sit with the Socialists, and Moroz was elected Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada (speaker of parliament) with the support of Communist deputies.[7]

In the 1994 presidential election held in June, Moroz was the sole left-wing candidate and received the support of both the Communist Party, and the Peasant Party, but garnered just 13.3% of the vote and failed to advance past the first round of voting. Moroz himself did not not endorse either Kravchuk or Kuchma in the second round,[13] and the party's central leadership left the decision of who to endorse for the presidency to individual branches. Most followed the Communist Party in supporting Kuchma, the eventual winner.[7] During the election, Moroz campaigned for transforming Ukraine into a parliamentary republic, prohibiting the sale of land, and a "state-regulated market".[14][15]

Over the course of Moroz's term as chairman, relations between himself and Kuchma became increasingly strained. The duo notably clashed on the issue of constitutional reform; Kuchma favoured increasing the power of the presidency and transforming Ukraine into a unitary state, while Moroz and the left-wing in parliament sought to empower parliament and advocated decentralisation. The adoption of a temporary, mini constitution [uk] in June 1995 did not ease tensions, and Moroz repeatedly rebuffed efforts to pass "pro-presidential" drafts of a basic law. The semi-presidential republican constitution, a compromise, was eventually adopted by parliament with the necessary two-thirds majority in June 1996.[7][14]

In February 1996, Nataliya Vitrenko was expelled from the party over disputes with Moroz and the rest of the leadership concerning the party's political programs which she believed deviated from socialist ideals.[16] She and Volodymyr Marchenko, who was also expelled from the party, founded the Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine a month later in April 1996.[7]

In the run up to the 1998 parliamentary election, attempts to form a coalition with the Communist Party had failed[7] and the party instead contested alongside the Peasant Party of Ukraine in an electoral alliance called For Truth, For the People, For Ukraine (Za pravdu, za narod, za Ukrainu), later known as Left Center.[16][17] The bloc managed to secure 8,55% of the votes, 29 proportional seats, and 5 individual seats out of 450 in the Verkhovna Rada.[7] The bloc gained the position of Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada (speaker of parliament) when Peasant Party chairman Oleksandr Tkachenko was elected to the post.[10][18] The Peasant Party later started its own parliamentary faction with 15 deputies in the autumn of 1998 but disbanded in 2000[19][20] as many of the Peasant Party's deputies followed their faction leader Serhii Dovhan [uk] into the newly formed pro-presidential Solidarity led by Petro Poroshenko.[21] By June 2002, the Left Center faction was reduced to just 17 members in parliament.[19]

The party nominated Moroz as its candidate for the 1999 Ukrainian presidential election. He along with the leader of the People's Movement of Ukraine Viacheslav Chornovil, former Prime Minister of Ukraine Yevhen Marchuk, and Mayor of Cherkasy Volodymyr Oliynyk were collectively known as the Kaniv four. In the lead-up to the election, they had agreed that three of them would withdraw and support the fourth against the incumbent Kuchma. The alliance fell apart when no agreement could be reached on who the single candidate should be.

Moroz was considered the most likely candidate to beat Kuchma but failed to advance past the first round of voting, having come third with only 11.29% of the vote. It is claimed that electoral fraud was practiced during the election[22][23] and that Kuchma had secretly funded Vitrenko's Progressive Socialist Party in order split the socialist vote.[24]

2000s

[edit]

During the 2000s, the party was member to a series of protests and conflicts in opposition to the presidency of Kuchma and pro-Kuchma parties. It opposed the 2000 Ukrainian constitutional referendum called by Kuchma with the intention of expanding the powers of the presidency and decreasing that of the Ukrainian parliament. While the amendments were approved by voters, their implementation was obstructed when Kuchma was implicated in the Cassette Scandal, also known as Kuchmagate. Moroz publicly accused Kuchma of being involved in the disappearance and murder of journalist Georgiy Gongadze, who had been found decapitated in Kyiv. He played select recordings that supposedly proved Kuchma ordered the abduction of Gongadze to journalists using a cassette player, which earned the scandal its name.[10]

The resultant Ukraine without Kuchma (UBK) protest campaign was violently dispersed by the Militsiya, the national police force, in March 2001.[25] Yuriy Lutsenko, who would later become Minister of Internal Affairs under the governments of Yulia Tymoshenko and Prosecutor General of Ukraine, gained national prominence as a result of his involvement in the campaign while a member of the party.

Separately, a group of party veterans led by Ivan Chizh [uk] that included figure such as Serhii Kiyashko [uk], Mykola Lavrynenko [uk], and Vasyl Aresto, left the party in opposition to Moroz and founded the All-Ukrainian Union of Leftists "Justice" party in April 2000.[7]

In the 2002 Ukrainian parliamentary election, the party won 6.9% of the popular vote and 24 seats despite irregularities and unequal access afforded to candidates belonging to the opposition.[26] Additionally, the party's youth wing had opted to endorse the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united), which had been named by Kuchma as a possible ally of the pro-presidential alliance. The party's leader, Viktor Medvedchuk, was appointed head of the presidential administration (chief of staff) after the election.[10] The party participated in the series of protests known as Rise up, Ukraine! launched by opposition figure Yulia Tymoshenko with the support of Moroz the same year,[27] and though they failed to achieve its aims, it led to a consolidation of opposition parties.[28]

The party had been a participant in the Orange Revolution, a series of protests sparked by the fraudulent results of the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election. Moroz had been the party's candidate in the first round but shifted his support to Viktor Yushchenko after garnering just 5.82% of the vote. Yushchenko's loss to incumbent prime minister Viktor Yanukovych, who had the support of outgoing president Kuchma, in the second round was contested by international observers who observed irregularities.[29] The protests were successful in its goals to annul the initial result of the election, with Yushchenko winning the re-run. In its aftermath, Yanukovych resigned as prime minister to allow for the appointment of a new coalition government led by Yulia Tymoshenko, which counted the Socialist Party alongside Our Ukraine, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, and the Party of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs of Ukraine. The government's inauguration was the first time the party held power as part of the executive branch of the central government. It received three ministerial portfolios, with Stanislav Nikolaenko assuming the position of Minister of Education and Science, Yuriy Lutsenko as Minister of Internal Affairs, and Oleksandr Baranivsky as Minister of Agrarian Affairs. The coalition was replicated at the regional level, with the party gaining the position of chairman of the regional state administration in two oblasts, as well as the appointment of Valentyna Semenyuk-Samsonenko as director of the State Property Fund of Ukraine.[10] The party retained its position in the succeeding Yekhanurov government, which had come to power in the aftermath of the power struggle between Tymoshenko and National Security and Defense Council Petro Poroshenko that had resulted in Tymoshenko's dismissal in September 2005.[30][31]

In 2005, the Ukrainian Party of Justice - Union of veterans, handicapped, Chornobyl liquidators, and Afghan warriors merged into the Socialist Party.

The party and Moroz played a key role in the 2006 Ukrainian political crisis. Negotiations to form an "orange" coalition after the March 2006 Ukrainian parliamentary election between the Socialist Party, Our Ukraine, and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc were troubled and plagued by mutual distrust and a dispute over the allocation of positions in government;[32][33][34] Moroz supported Tymoshenko's claim to the premiership, and she in turn supported Moroz's candidacy as chairman of the Verkhovna Rada,[35][36] but Tymoshenko herself was unpopular among Socialist Party members,[37] while Our Ukraine held counter-negotiations with the Yanukoyvch's Party of Regions in an attempt to extract more concessions.[38] Three months of negotiations seemed to close to an end after Moroz announced he would no longer seek the chairmanship and promised to support Our Ukraine's presumptive candidate, Yury Yekhanurov,[39][40] paving the way for the coalition's confirmation on 21 June.[41] However, when Petro Poroshenko was revealed to be Our Ukraine's candidate, Moroz submitted his own nomination and was elected with the support of deputies from the Socialist Party, Party of Regions, and the Communist Party,[42] which formed the basis for the creation of the Anti-Crisis Coalition. The turnabout was justified by Moroz, who claimed that Our Ukraine had intentionally nominated a candidate the party could not accept, causing the break down of the coalition, to govern with the Party of Regions.[43]

A map showing the results of the SPU (percentage of total national vote) per region for the 2006 parliamentary elections
A map showing the results of the SPU (percentage of total national vote) per region for the 2007 parliamentary elections

The party's decision to enter government with the Party of Regions was controversial and had a lasting impact. High-ranking members including then-minister for interior affairs Yuriy Lutsenko, who would go on to lead Yuriy Lutsenko's People's Self-Defense,[10] party first secreary Yosip Vinsky, who would go on to join Tymoshenko's Batkivshchyna, as well as Halyna Garmash, a member of the party's political council, resigned from the party, while a study conducted by the Gorenshin Institute in November 2006 showed that the party had lost much of its support in its traditional heartland in central Ukraine.[44] When a power struggle between Yanukovych and Yushchenko led to the 2007 Ukrainian political crisis[45] and a snap election in September that year, the party's vote share collapsed. It received just 2.86% of the national vote, 0.14% short of the minimum 3% threshold for entry into parliament.

Much of the criticism for the poor electoral result within the party was directed against Yaroslav Mendus, who was in charge of the party's campaign during the election, as well as businessman Mykola Rudkovsky, both of whom were seen "gray cardinals" and the main figures behind the party's cooperation with Yanukovych.[46][47] Others close to Moroz in the leadership such as Valentina-Semenyuk and Mykhailo Melnychuk were also criticised for their role in the party's downward trajectory.[48] Critics included well-known members of the party such as Volodymyr Boyko, a red director and a major financial contributor to the party,[49] youth leader Yevhen Filindash, Stanislav Nikolaenko, and Oleksandr Baranivsky.[50][51] Despite agitation for change in the composition of the leadership, figures such as Moroz and Mendus retained their roles in the party's structure in a congress held in November.[52]

Discontent persisted and culminated in the expulsion of "shcismatics" Nikolaenko and Baranivsky, who would go on to join the splinter Justice Party alongside ~300 members, in March 2009. Both had previously put forward a program to reform the party at a congress in April 2008, advocating the introduction of a two-term limit for both the party leader and head of the central control commission, the party's disciplinary body, as well as secret ballots for leadership elections, purportedly with the aim of removing Moroz as the party's leader. Other critics of the leadership such as Yevhen Filindash left the party in April 2008, while Mykola Sadovy, who had also been branded a "schismatic" by Moroz, was only handed a reprimand.[53][54][55][56]

2010s

[edit]

The party nominated Moroz as their candidate in the 2010 Ukrainian presidential election,[57] and garnered just 0.4% of the vote. The election was eventually won by Viktor Yanukovych.[58] Moroz stepped down as leader in July 2010. The main candidates to replace him were Vasyl Tsushko, the incumbent minister for the economy in the Azarov government, and first secretary Mykola Rudkovsky. Tsushko was a popular figure within the party and backed by Moroz, while Rudkovsky was one of its financiers.[59] He was eventually elected unopposed, while Moroz was made the party's honorary leader.[60] However, the party's electoral misfortunes continued in that year's local elections, where just 38 councilors from the party were elected across 11 oblasts and three city councils. It performed the best in the Chernihiv and Poltava Oblasts where they won 11% and 5.8% of the votes respectively.[61]

Tsushko himself resigned as leader in July 2011, citing the difficulty of combining his position in government as head of the Anti-Monopoly Committee with party responsibilities. Sources within the party claim the true reason was Tsuhko's deteriorating health.[62] Rudkovsky, who allegedly received the support of the ruling Party of Regions, lost to Moroz, who ran on a platform of bringing the party into the opposition against the Azarov government, in a contentious leadership election.[63][64] The same month, the party was expelled from the Socialist International for failing to comply with "the fundamental values and principles of the International".[65] However, the minutes of the meeting where the decision was undertaken showed that the party had been expelled "due to not being actively engaged in SI activities, having no representation, or not having paid membership fees for some time".[66]

Rudkovsky left the party in December 2011 after a planned merger of 11 left-wing parties failed, accusing Moroz of sabotaging the unification process to maintain his cult of personality.[67] The party had been member to an agreement announced in November that year which would have seen ten other left-wing parties merge into the Socialist Party, whereupon it would adopt a new name. This plan fell apart when the party's political council refused to ratify the merger agreement and demanded the other parties merge into the Socialist Party without any conditions.[68] Only five parties agreed to do so; the Peasant Party of Ukraine, Socialist Ukraine, Children of War, "Children of War" People's Party of Ukraine, and Cossack Glory,[69] while the remaining five parties opted to merge and form the United Left and Peasants.[70][71] In January 2012, the Ministry of Justice declared the merger between the Peasant Party and the Socialist Party illegal.[72]

Rumours that Moroz would resign as leader amid reports of his deteriorating health appeared in April 2012 ahead of that year's party congress.[73] Petro Ustenko was elected the party's leader after being nominated by Moroz, winning 267 votes out of 342. He previously served as the party's first deputy chairman responsible organisational work as well as head of the party's election headquarters.[74] In the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election, failed to win any representation in parliament. It garnered just 0.46% of the party list vote and failed to win in any of the 58 constituencies it contested in.[75][76]

The party's poor performance in the parliamentary elections as well as Ustenko's failure to secure funding for the party culminated in a crisis in 2013. That year's congress was postponed from July to October as a result of "secret negotiations between some heads regional party organisations with authorities about funding", with Rudkovsky, who had been readmitted to the party after he won a seat as a self-nominated candidate in the 2012 election and joined the Party of Regions faction in parliament, having reportedly held several meetings with party members where he promised to provide funding for the party. Sources close to the party described it as an "internal struggle" between Moroz and Rudkovsky.[77][78]

The resultant congress adopted a new party statute and separated the positions of leader, which would be held by Ustenko, who would be responsible for the party's organisation, and chairman, held by Rudkovsky, who would be responsible for the party's political direction.[79] Valentina-Semenyuk was touted as a possible contender for the leadership but withdrew when nominated, as did Moroz.[80] Political scientist Andrey Zolotarev considered Rudkovsky's election to be part of a plan by the ruling Party of Regions to weaken the popular support of its erstwhile Communist ally.[81]

In the aftermath of the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, which saw the overthrow of Yanukovych and the dismissal of the Party of Regions-led government, acting president Oleksandr Turchynov ordered the Ministry of Justice to open investigations against the Communist Party for "anti-state activities" in May 2014, putting its continued existence into doubt. This meant the Socialist Party's political and monetary value experiencing a significant increase as it's status as the country's oldest left-wing party left it in the prime position for inheriting a sizable portion of the Communist Party's electorate in the upcoming 2014 Ukrainian parliamentary election. In that context, a congress was held on 21 June where the decision was made by a majority of delegates present to return to the party's previous statute and elect Rudkovsky as the party's sole leader. In response, a security firm hired by Ustenko raided the party's office, who contested the legitimacy of the congress and its results, resulting in a protracted legal battle. Both Ustenko and Rudkovsky accused eachother of intending to sell off the party.[82][83]

Citing "unsatisfactory health", Rudkovsky steps down as leader and flees the country in 2015. He is replaced by Mykola Sadovy at the second stage of the twentieth congress held in August.[84][85] The State Register's refusal to register the results of the party's congress left it unable to participate in the 2015 Ukrainian local elections.[86]

Rudkovsky's election as the party's sole leader was legitimised when the Administrative Court of Cassation confirmed the Kyiv District Administrative Court's 2015 decision that the results of the 2014 congress were to be implemented in full and the State Register's refusal was illegal in June 2017.[87]

In July 2017, the former head of the far-right Right Sector in eastern Ukraine Illia Kyva announced that he had been elected as the party's chairman on his Facebook page. He had been elected by Ustenko's faction in what former party leader Moroz described as an attempt to nullify the court's decision, which Sadovy's wing believed made them the legitimate faction. The former chairman of the party's faction in parliament Ivan Bokyi described Kyva's election as a government-linked raid against the party.[88] Ustenko later admitted that Kyva's election was part of an agreement with internal minister Arsen Avakov, to whom Kyva was an advisor, where he would help the party prepare for future presidential and parliamentary elections.[89]

The same month, the State Register was updated and showed Kyva as the party's chairman, while Ustenko's status as the party's leader since 2013 remained unchanged.[90][91]

In response to the election of Kyva, Sadovy's faction elected Serhiy Kaplin, a member of parliament linked to Avakov's rival the politician and oligarch Serhiy Lyovochkin, as its leader and entered into a coalition with his Social Democratic Party (SDP) as well as the Party of Pensioners for upcoming elections.[92][93]

In January 2018, Ustenko and all the members of his faction's leadership bodies were excluded from the State Register. Ustenko accused Kyva of being responsible and expelled him from the party.[89] In an appearance on Espreso TV, a Ukrainian news organisation owned by Avakov's wife Inna Avakova, Kyva referred to reports of his expulsion as "fakes" and claimed that Ustenko had been in contact with Vladislav Surkov, an advisor to Russian president Vladimir Putin,[94] and Dmytro Firtash, an oligarch associated with Russian organised crime,[95] to negotiate funding for the party and as a result, him and his associates had been the ones expelled from the party, making him the sole leader.[96][97] In response, Ustenko launches a lawsuit to nullify the changes made to the State Register in April 2018.[98]

In March 2018, Kyva's faction approved a new program where it adopted an outwardly pro-European Atlanticist attitude, advocating for the inclusion of Ukraine into the European Union and NATO.[99] It also adopted a new logo, a yellow fist on a crimson background, and nominated Kyva as its candidate for the 2019 Ukrainian presidential election.[100] He won just 0.03% of the vote and was replaced as the party's leader by Serhiy Cherednychenko.[101] The faction nominated two candidates for the 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election, Cherednychenko in the 144th district and pro-Russian oligarch Oleksandr Onyshchenko in the 93rd district, and co-operated with the pro-Russian Opposition Platform — For Life, with Kyva being elected as a member of its closed list.[102][103]

In January 2019, Kaplin's election as chairman of the Sadovy faction was nullified, and the party opted to support Moroz's candidacy in the presidential election instead.[104] Moroz withdrew from the race in March 2019.[105]

Russian invasion and banning

[edit]

On 24 February 2022, Russia launched an invasion into Ukraine. On 6 March, Kyva was charged with high treason after making a number of statements justifying the invasion and blaming it n on Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy.[106] The SPU was one of several political parties suspended by the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine as a result of the invasion, along with Derzhava, Left Opposition, Nashi, Opposition Bloc, Opposition Platform — For Life, Party of Shariy, Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine, Union of Leftists, and the Volodymyr Saldo Bloc.[107]

On 15 June 2022, the Eighth Administrative Court of Appeal banned the party and all of its property was transferred to the state.[2] Vikor Zaika, who was also the director of the Illia Kyva Charitable Foundation "Liberation", was the party's official leader at its banning. The Security Service of Ukraine and Ministry of Justice cited the party's alleged anti-Ukrainian and pro-Russian activities, statements of its previous leaders, as well as Kyva's continued influence on the party as its justifications.[1]

On 18 October 2022, the final appeal lodged by Sadovy's faction against the party's ban was dismissed by the Supreme Court of Ukraine, meaning that the party was fully banned in Ukraine.[108]

Election results

[edit]
Verkhovna Rada
Year
Party-list
Constituency /total
Overall seats won
Seat change
 Government
Popular vote
%
Seats /total
1994 895,830 3.3% 14/450
14 / 450
 Increase 14 Minority support
1998 For Truth, for People, for Ukraine 8.8% 14/225 3/225
17 / 450
 Increase 3 Opposition
2002 1,780,642 7.1% 20/225 2/225
22 / 450
 Increase 5 Opposition
2006 1,444,224 5.7% 33/450 N/A
33 / 450
 Increase 11 Coalition government
2007 668,234 2.9% 0/450 N/A
0 / 450
 Decrease 33 Extra-parliamentary
2012 93,081 0.5% 0/225 0/225
0 / 450
 Steady Extra-parliamentary
2014 Did not participate 0/225 0/225
0 / 450
 Steady Extra-parliamentary
2019 0/225 0/225
0 / 450
 Steady Extra-parliamentary
Presidency of Ukraine
Election year Candidate First round Place Second round
No. of
overall votes 		% of
overall vote 		No. of
overall votes 		% of
overall vote
1994 Oleksandr Moroz 3,466,541 13.3 3
1999 Oleksandr Moroz 2,969,896 11.8 3
2004 Oleksandr Moroz 1,632,098 5.8 3
2010 Oleksandr Moroz 95,169 0.4 11
2014 Olha Bohomolets (endorsed by the SPU) 345,384 1.9 8
2019 Illia Kyva[109] 5,869 0.3 29

See also

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Notes

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References

[edit]
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  2. ^ a b c "The court banned the Socialist Party of Ukraine". babel.ua. 15 June 2022. Retrieved 15 June 2022.
  3. ^ "Ідея без представників: Чому в Україні зник масовий «лівий» рух". ІНФОРМАТОР. 23 May 2018. Retrieved 6 July 2022.
  4. ^ "Соціалістична партія України". RBC-Ukraine. Retrieved 4 October 2022.
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  6. ^ "European Forum for Democracy and Solidarity".
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  9. ^ Subtelny, Orest (2000). Ukraine: A History. University of Toronto Press. pp. 577. ISBN 0-8020-8390-0.
  10. ^ a b c d e f (in Russian) Short bio, Liga.net
  11. ^ Atlas of Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century by Richard Crampton and Ben Crampton, 1997, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-16461-0, page 277
  12. ^ Political parties of the world by Alan J. Day and Henry W. Degenhardt, 2002, John Harper Publishing, ISBN 978-0-9536278-7-5, Page 479
  13. ^ "Сайт analitik.org.ua не настроен на сервере". analitik.org.ua. Archived from the original on 23 September 2014. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
  14. ^ a b Åslund, Anders (2009). How Ukraine became a market economy and democracy. Washington, DC: Peterson Institute for International Economics. ISBN 978-0-88132-427-3. OCLC 274802712.
  15. ^ "Moroz, Oleksandr". www.encyclopediaofukraine.com. Retrieved 31 July 2024.
  16. ^ a b Lansford, Tom (31 May 2021). Political Handbook of the World 2020-2021. CQ Press. ISBN 978-1-5443-8473-3.
  17. ^ (in Ukrainian) Соціалістична партія України, sd.net.ua (4 September 2009)
  18. ^ Understanding Ukrainian Politics: Power, Politics, and Institutional Design by Paul D'Anieri, M.E. Sharpe, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7656-1811-5, page 86
  19. ^ a b Understanding Ukrainian Politics: Power, Politics, and Institutional Design by Paul D'Anieri, M.E. Sharpe, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7656-1811-5
  20. ^ Ukraine and Russia: The Post-Soviet Transition by Roman Solchanyk, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2001 ISBN 0742510174
  21. ^ Ukrainian Political Update Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine by Taras Kuzio and Alex Frishberg, Frishberg & Partners, 21 February 2008 (page 22)
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  23. ^ The Conflict in Ukraine: What Everyone Needs to Know by Serhy Yekelchyk, Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 0190237287, page 87
  24. ^ Understanding Ukrainian Politics: Power, Politics, and Institutional Design by Paul D'Anieri, M.E. Sharpe, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7656-1811-5, page 87
  25. ^ Mykhelson, Oleksandr (11 March 2011). "The First Revolution: 10 years later". The Ukrainian Week. Retrieved 31 March 2022.
  26. ^ Ukraine's election frontrunners, BBC News (28 March 2002)
  27. ^ ""ТРІЙКА" РОЗПОЧИНАЄ АКЦІЮ "ПОВСТАНЬ, УКРАЇНО!" 16 вересня і "до повної перемоги"". Українська правда (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 4 October 2023.
  28. ^ "Історія зрад Ющенка, Тимошенко і Януковича. Частина 2". Українська правда (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 4 October 2023.
  29. ^ "Widespread Vote Fraud Is Alleged In Ukraine - The Washington Post". archive.ph. 9 February 2024. Retrieved 29 July 2024.
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